Friday, February 10, 2012

Rising Health Care Costs in America and Contributing Factors

In the last thirty years there has been a significant increase in the amount of resources the United States devotes to providing medical care. In 1980 health care costs accounted for 9% of GDP, in 2004 this number had climbed to 16%. This upward trend is also reflected in per capita costs, rising from $1,106 in 1980 to $7,290 in 2007. Clearly this has impacted total annual health care spending, increasing from $255 billion in 1980 to $2.2 trillion in 2008. Taken together these facts point to fundamental challenges facing the healthcare system in the United States. To understand how costs have climbed so rapidly in recent years it’s critical to examine several contributing factors in detail. It’s also important to compare the quality of care delivered in comparison with other nations who on average, spend significantly less per-capita, and as a share of GDP.

A breakdown of the underlying factors that have collectively had an impact on rising health care costs in the United States could begin with the emergence of chronic diseases as the most common ailment and primary cause of mortality. Over 133 million Americans are classified as having a chronic illness, accounting for almost half of U.S. adults. Close to 70% of total annual mortality, or 1.7 million deaths, are caused by the presence of one or more of these afflictions. The top three diseases for mortality (heart disease, cancer, and stroke) are all of this type. This is a far cry from the days when communicable diseases such as small pox, syphilis, polio and others, were the main health concerns in America. Not only are chronic diseases much more rampant, they are also extremely expensive to treat. In fact over 75%, of total annual health care costs or $1.6 trillion, are attributable to chronic illnesses.

The impact of chronic diseases is also evident in the current distribution of health care costs in the United States. It’s a system that has become extremely top-heavy with regard to expenditures. A significant percentage of health care expenses (49%) are centered in a relatively small population (5%). The majority (61%) of the group was over 55. In addition, the top 15 most expensive health conditions make up 44% of total spending, and all but one are classified as chronic.

Another contributing factor in the rise of health care costs has been escalating financial inefficiency in the form of extraordinarily high administrative expenses present in both the private and public sectors. A Harvard study conducted in 1999 found that costs associated with health administration were $294.3 billion and equated to $1,059 per capita. It’s important to remember that these aren’t costs for providing actual medical care, but rather the bureaucratic processes involved in maintaining the system. Overhead costs, particularly in the private insurance sector made up a sizable percentage of overall administrative costs. In 1999 for instance, private insurance entities spent 11.7% of total premiums collected on administrative overhead, compared with Medicare (3.6%), and Medicaid (6.8%). Hospital administration also accounted for a significant percentage of total costs (24.3%), at $315 per capita. In order to put the high level of these costs into context the study compared the data with that from equivalent sectors in the Canadian health care system. The administrative costs in the United States were consistently much higher than those in Canada, especially when considered at a per capita level. Total admin costs for America were $1,059 per capita, compared to only $307 in the Canadian system. It’s important to note that Canada operates under a publicly funded national health system, whose uniformity effectively cuts out much of the bureaucracy, and allows for the elimination of many of the administrative expenses present in the public/private system.

Prescription drug costs are a third important component in the rise of overall health care spending. Expenditures associated with this industry have exploded in the last twenty years. In 1990 drug costs were at $40.3 billion, by 2008 this number had risen dramatically to $234.1 billion. For much of the 90’s and early 2000’s prescription drugs were the fastest growing health cost contributor (18% in 1999). Overall the prescription drug sector accounted for 13% of the total health care cost growth in a 10-year period from 1998-2008. During the same time-period the average cost of a prescription drug rose substantially, from $38.43 to $71.69. It’s evident that this is at least partially due to an increase in demand for prescriptions, which rose by 39%, or about a billion total prescriptions between 1999 and 2009. Another aspect of these high costs is the difference in price between generic and name brand drugs ($35.77 compared to $137.90). Pharmaceutical companies have a significant profit motive to retain exclusive patent rights for name-brand drugs beyond the 20 years allowed by the FTC. Often this takes the form of “pay-for-delay” deals in which firms holding expiring drug patents pay those companies developing a generic version not to release them. Arrangements such as these are responsible for several billion in additional prescription drug expenses each each year.

To provide context for the level of spending in the United States on healthcare it’s useful to compare it with other advanced nations. This comparison is with regard to both expenses and whether this equates to quality of care. It seems to be a common belief that because the United States spends by far the most per capita ($7,290, 2.5 times higher than the OECD average) on health care, that it must also be providing the highest quality of care. In looking at comparative health data this appears to only be sporadically true. The United States has an infant mortality rate of 6.7, which is significantly higher than the OECD average of 4.7. It’s also middle of the pack in life expectancy (28th in the world, at 78.2 years), trailing far behind countries like Japan (86.4 years) that spend about a third as much as the U.S. per capita. In terms of access, the United States is the only OECD country that has a significant population that has been left uncovered by the healthcare system. Staffing is another measure where the United States lags behind the OECD average, with regard to doctors per capita (2.7 physicians per 1,000, OECD average is 3.1), and nurses per capita (8.1 per 1,000, OECD average is 9.0). While all of the preceding data indicates that the United States high costs haven’t led to a particularly high level of care, however there is one area where cost does seem to equal quality. The United States scores at or near the top of OECD rankings in the screening and treatment of many forms of cancer such as melanoma, prostate, breast, ovarian, cervical, and both Hodgkin’s and non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma.

Based on the research presented above the United States has been saddled with ever increasing health care costs due in part to the rise in chronic disease, drug prices, and an extremely inefficient administrative process. These are facts that were featured prominently in 2010, during the national debate based around exactly how to reform the system. The piece of legislation known as the Affordable Care Act, passed as a compromise in that debate, attempts to address the cost and access issues without fundamentally altering the structure of the system. The degree to which this effort will ultimately help contain costs won’t be seen for several years, as the act will not be fully implemented until 2014. However there are projected future cost and access levels available and will be examined in detail, with the specifics of the Affordable Care Act, in the next post.

American Medical Association. (2005, January 11). Administrative costs of health care coverage. Retrieved February 5, 2012, from American Medical Association: www.ama.org

Angrisano, C., Farrell, D., Kocher, B., Laboissiere, M., & Parker, S. (2007). Accounting for the Cost of Health Care in the United States. Washington D.C.: McKinsey Global Institute.

Centers for Disease Control. (2009, February 23). Chronic Diseases. Retrieved February 7, 2012, from Centers for Disease Control: http://www.cdc.gov/chronicdisease/resources/publications/aag/chronic disease

Council of State Governments. (2006, April 17). Costs of Chronic Disease: What are States Facing? Retrieved February 9, 2012, from Council of State Governments: www.healthystates.csg.org

Daily Mail. (2011, November 24). What's killing America? U.S. ranks 28th in life expectancy (lower than Chile and Greece) while it pays the most for health care. Retrieved February 10, 2012, from Mail Online: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2065548

Docteur, E., & Berenson, R. A. (2009). How Does the Quality of U.S. Health Care Compare Internationally? Washington D.C.: Robert Wood Johnson Foundation; Urban Institute.

Federal Trade Commission. (2010, July 10). Reporter Resources: Pay-for-Delay in the Pharmaceutical Industry. Retrieved February 9, 2012, from Federal Trade Commission: http://www.ftc.gov/opa/reporter/payfordelay.shtm

Hunkar, D. (2009, July 5). Comparing U.S. Healthcare Spending with Other OECD Countries. Retrieved February 7, 2012, from Seeking Alpha: http://seekingalpha.com/article/146992-comparing-u-s-healthcare-spending-with-other-oecd-countries

Kaiser Family Foundation. (2010, May 1). Prescription Drug Trends. Retrieved February 9, 2012, from The Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation: www.kff.org

Stanton, M. W. (2006, June 10). Research in Action. (M. Rutherford, Ed.) Retrieved February 4, 2012, from Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality: www.ahrq.gov

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Woolhandler, S., Campbell, T., & Himmelstein, D. U. (2003, August 21). Costs of Health Care Administration in the United States and Canada. New England Journal of Medicine , 768-775.

Monday, February 6, 2012

Medical Bankruptcy

Rising healthcare costs have been a critical issue at the heart of a system that has led to thousands of individuals exhausting their savings due to the onset of a major illness. The sad reality is that a majority of bankruptcies filed each year have a medical cause (62.1% in 2007). A broad study conducted by Harvard Medical School indicated that this was an issue that began to seriously manifest itself between 2001 and 2007, as the number of medical bankruptcies rose by 50%. It’s interesting to note that around the same time per-capita healthcare costs also rose substantially, as chronic conditions that are expensive to treat such as diabetes, heart disease, and hypertension began to increasingly present themselves in the U.S. population.

Contrary to what many would believe, the majority of people who were forced to declare bankruptcy actually possessed some medical coverage, but in fact, they were underinsured. Close to 75% had carried some form of health insurance two years prior to the bankruptcy filing. In many cases these individuals were dropped from an employer provided plan upon being diagnosed with a chronic or major illness, but were unable to qualify for either Medicaid or Medicare. Out-of-pocket medical expenses for those who lost coverage averaged $22,568, reflecting the presence of a costly disease.

A similar study conducted by the Northwestern University Economics Department examined the effect of chronic or major illness on individual assets in greater detail. A key difference between the two studies was that this one contrasted the effect on those who were uninsured with fully insured individuals. Not surprisingly the amount of asset loss was much higher in the uninsured group. It was found that those without insurance suffered a 30 to 50 percent greater reduction of assets.

The rise in the number of medical bankruptcies over time appears to be partially influenced by the trends in the expansion of state Medicaid programs in the mid-to-late nineties. In 1997, all states increased the threshold for children’s Medicaid coverage to 133% of the Federal Poverty Line, and some states such as New Jersey (350% of FPL) chose to expand coverage even further. A study published in the Journal of Economics examined the link between states Medicaid coverage threshold and the number of bankruptcies. The states with no increase beyond the 133% level saw a rise in bankruptcies from 14,421 in 1992, up to 31,205 in 2004. This represented a large percentage increase (46%) when compared with those states that used a threshold beyond 133%, (52,650 in 1992, increasing to 53,478 in 2004). These statistics are important because they highlight the importance of public programs such as Medicaid in a family being able to weather the financial storm brought on by an unexpected illness. It’s clear that in many of the states that don’t have high FPL thresholds, many people are caught in a limbo between being underinsured, carrying large amounts of medical debt, and at the same having incomes that may be low but don’t allow them to qualify for Medicaid.

In an attempt to respond to the increasing problems presented by medical bankruptcy, two congressional bills were introduced in 2008, and again in 2009. House bill 5138 and Senate bill 1624, known collectively as the “Medical Bankruptcy Fairness Act,” was drafted by Rep. Carol Shea-Porter with the goal of expanding features of bankruptcy protection to those individuals classified as “medically distressed debtors. “ Essentially this would have allowed people who had accumulated medical debts amounting to over 25% of their prior year income to be relieved from their remaining re-payment obligation, while also retaining possession of primary assets such homes and cars, a critical protection not included in normal chapter 7 bankruptcy filings. While both bills would have undoubtedly had enormous value for thousands of medical debtors, they were unable to make it out of committee and won’t be enacted into law anytime soon. Until a new bill is introduced and actually voted upon many of the individuals faced with a unmanageable amount of medical debt will ultimately be forced to choose between giving up the assets they own, whether through bank seizure or as a requirement for bankruptcy protection.

Cook, K., Dranove, D., & Sfekas, A. (2010). Does Major Illness Cause Financial Catastrophe? Northwestern University, Department of Economics. Evanston: Northwestern University.

Gross, T., & Notowidigdo, M. J. (2011). Health insuracne and the consumer bankruptcy decision: Evidence from expansions of Medicaid. Journal of Public Economics , 767-778.

Himmelstein, D. U., Thorne, D., Warren, E., & Woolhandler, S. (2009). Medical Bankruptcy in the United States, 2007: Results of a National Study. The American Journal of Medicine .

Shea-Porter, C. (2008, January 28). H.R. 5138 Medical Bankruptcy Fairness Act of 2008. Retrieved February 3, 2012, from opencongress.org: http://www.opencongress.org/bill/110-h5138/text

Whitehouse, S. (2009, August 6). Text of S: 1624 [111th]: Medical Bankruptcy Fairness Act of 2009. Retrieved February 3, 2012, from Govtrack.us: http://www.govtrack.us/congress/billtext.xpd?bill=s111-1624